CHALLENGES AHEAD FOR ARMENIA’S CONSTITUTIONAL VOTE
September 15, 2005
Eurasianet.org
By Haroutiun Khachatrian, a Yerevan-based writer specializing in economic and political affairs
After a brief and uncharacteristic period of cooperation, the Armenian government and opposition are back on a collision course over constitutional reform. The opposition’s refusal to accept President Robert Kocharian’s proposed changes to Armenia’s constitution has also put it at loggerheads with the international community, which has backed the amendments.
At a September 1 extraordinary session, Armenia’s National Assembly adopted the government’s proposed constitutional amendments in the second reading. Despite pressure from members of the ruling coalition and representatives of Western countries, the main opposition parties declared that they would not support the draft in a referendum scheduled for November.
[...]
[...] the government faces considerable obstacles in securing a "yes" vote for its amended constitution this November. Putting voter lists in order is one sizeable challenge. Overcoming public apathy is another. Disinterest in the topic of constitutional reforms notably increased after parliamentarians were broadcast live on public television hurling insults at each other during the legislature’s special session. Public awareness of the proposed changes is also relatively minimal since the proposed constitution has not yet been published. An earlier version was posted on the National Assembly’s website, but less than 10 percent of Armenians have Internet access.
[...]
If adopted, the revised constitution would enter into force two years from the referendum.
The government appears to believe that the success of the referendum is not guaranteed, however. Defense Minister Sergei Sargsian, widely seen as a potential presidential candidate, was quoted by the Russian news agency Regnum as emphasizing that a "no" vote in November would not mean a vote of no confidence in the Kocharian administration.
[...]
At the Venice Commission’s urging, the amendments adopted by parliament were intended to pass greater powers from the president to parliament and the prime minister. Among other provisions, for instance, they call on the National Assembly to appoint the human rights ombudsman and members of the National Radio and TV commission. The president has also been removed from the Council of Justice, a body that plays a key role in appointing judges.
While opposition parties had earlier pushed for such changes, in the end, they declared them insufficient. Shavarsh Kocharian, a member of the opposition bloc Ardarutiun (Justice), said his faction was not satisfied with the fact that under the amended version, the president would still have the power to appoint chairmen of courts. The opposition also took issue with the failure to provide for direct elections of the mayor of Yerevan. According to the draft, a special law to be adopted later will determine the type of elections for this position.
[...]
Note: Above are excerpts from the article. The full article appears here. Clarifications and comments by me are contained in {}. Deletions are marked by [...]. The bold emphasis is mine.
Eurasianet.org
By Haroutiun Khachatrian, a Yerevan-based writer specializing in economic and political affairs
After a brief and uncharacteristic period of cooperation, the Armenian government and opposition are back on a collision course over constitutional reform. The opposition’s refusal to accept President Robert Kocharian’s proposed changes to Armenia’s constitution has also put it at loggerheads with the international community, which has backed the amendments.
At a September 1 extraordinary session, Armenia’s National Assembly adopted the government’s proposed constitutional amendments in the second reading. Despite pressure from members of the ruling coalition and representatives of Western countries, the main opposition parties declared that they would not support the draft in a referendum scheduled for November.
[...]
[...] the government faces considerable obstacles in securing a "yes" vote for its amended constitution this November. Putting voter lists in order is one sizeable challenge. Overcoming public apathy is another. Disinterest in the topic of constitutional reforms notably increased after parliamentarians were broadcast live on public television hurling insults at each other during the legislature’s special session. Public awareness of the proposed changes is also relatively minimal since the proposed constitution has not yet been published. An earlier version was posted on the National Assembly’s website, but less than 10 percent of Armenians have Internet access.
[...]
If adopted, the revised constitution would enter into force two years from the referendum.
The government appears to believe that the success of the referendum is not guaranteed, however. Defense Minister Sergei Sargsian, widely seen as a potential presidential candidate, was quoted by the Russian news agency Regnum as emphasizing that a "no" vote in November would not mean a vote of no confidence in the Kocharian administration.
[...]
At the Venice Commission’s urging, the amendments adopted by parliament were intended to pass greater powers from the president to parliament and the prime minister. Among other provisions, for instance, they call on the National Assembly to appoint the human rights ombudsman and members of the National Radio and TV commission. The president has also been removed from the Council of Justice, a body that plays a key role in appointing judges.
While opposition parties had earlier pushed for such changes, in the end, they declared them insufficient. Shavarsh Kocharian, a member of the opposition bloc Ardarutiun (Justice), said his faction was not satisfied with the fact that under the amended version, the president would still have the power to appoint chairmen of courts. The opposition also took issue with the failure to provide for direct elections of the mayor of Yerevan. According to the draft, a special law to be adopted later will determine the type of elections for this position.
[...]
Note: Above are excerpts from the article. The full article appears here. Clarifications and comments by me are contained in {}. Deletions are marked by [...]. The bold emphasis is mine.
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