Turkey Closely Monitors US Senate Against Armenian Resolution
April 23, 2006
zaman.com
By Ali H. Aslan, Washington
The Armenian lobby in the United States has accelerated its studies before April 24.
The Armenian Diaspora began demonstrations in front of the Turkish Embassy in Washington as of yesterday.
There are three separate resolutions waiting in the US Congress concerning the so-called Armenian genocide.
It is very unlikely that these resolutions will be adopted. Yet, Turkey is hold on tight to the job and is closely monitoring the US Congress in order to prevent the adoption of the resolution draft in the Senate.
It is concerned that the Armenian lobby will benefit from the complicated regulations and intricate running of the Senate and present with a fait accompli.
The number-316 resolution draft in the House of Representatives has become ready to be forwarded to the General Council as it passed from the International Affairs Committee on 15 September 2005.
The number-195 resolution draft underwent the same procedures at the same time.
If the drafts in question go to the General Council, their adoption seems certain.
It is within the responsibility of the parliament’s speaker whether to take a draft to the general council agenda or not.
The so-called Armenian genocide resolution draft had gone to the general council in 2000 under the presidency of the US House of Representatives, Dennis Hastert; however, it was withdrawn from voting at the very last moment due to intense pressure from the Turkish government and the Clinton administration.
Congress sources remark that it is very unlikely that Hastert who was placed in a difficult situation at that time, will use initiative in the same way.
Supporters of Turkey find the Senate’s atmosphere more risky than that of the House of Representatives.
It is unlikely the so-called Genocide Lobby will take advantage of the complex procedure and complicated legislation of the Senate and will issue the draft in an environment of chaos and confusion.
For instance, legislation is subject to a draft’s enacting in case it is considered within a different law negotiated at a different committee.
Each senator also has a chance to take the draft to agenda escaping the notice of the Senate’s leadership staff.
However, only one friend senator has the authority to thwart the draft. Another advantage of Turkey in relation to Senate is that it is an institution with a state’s seriousness, continuity and that it has a long term strategic vision.
Turkey’s most trustworthy friends in the US Congress are in the Senate.
However, Turkish lobbies attempt to establish close contacts with all weighty senators on the off chance.
They get in touch with senators and parliamentarians via Turkey’s Ambassador to Washington Nabi Sensoy, reported the officials. However, Turkish officials and lobbies hide these names from the public opinion to prevent the pressure of Armenian groups on the Members of the Congress.
Note: Above are excerpts from the article. The full article appears here. Clarifications and comments by me are contained in {}. Deletions are marked by [...]. The bold emphasis is mine.
zaman.com
By Ali H. Aslan, Washington
The Armenian lobby in the United States has accelerated its studies before April 24.
The Armenian Diaspora began demonstrations in front of the Turkish Embassy in Washington as of yesterday.
There are three separate resolutions waiting in the US Congress concerning the so-called Armenian genocide.
It is very unlikely that these resolutions will be adopted. Yet, Turkey is hold on tight to the job and is closely monitoring the US Congress in order to prevent the adoption of the resolution draft in the Senate.
It is concerned that the Armenian lobby will benefit from the complicated regulations and intricate running of the Senate and present with a fait accompli.
The number-316 resolution draft in the House of Representatives has become ready to be forwarded to the General Council as it passed from the International Affairs Committee on 15 September 2005.
The number-195 resolution draft underwent the same procedures at the same time.
If the drafts in question go to the General Council, their adoption seems certain.
It is within the responsibility of the parliament’s speaker whether to take a draft to the general council agenda or not.
The so-called Armenian genocide resolution draft had gone to the general council in 2000 under the presidency of the US House of Representatives, Dennis Hastert; however, it was withdrawn from voting at the very last moment due to intense pressure from the Turkish government and the Clinton administration.
Congress sources remark that it is very unlikely that Hastert who was placed in a difficult situation at that time, will use initiative in the same way.
Supporters of Turkey find the Senate’s atmosphere more risky than that of the House of Representatives.
It is unlikely the so-called Genocide Lobby will take advantage of the complex procedure and complicated legislation of the Senate and will issue the draft in an environment of chaos and confusion.
For instance, legislation is subject to a draft’s enacting in case it is considered within a different law negotiated at a different committee.
Each senator also has a chance to take the draft to agenda escaping the notice of the Senate’s leadership staff.
However, only one friend senator has the authority to thwart the draft. Another advantage of Turkey in relation to Senate is that it is an institution with a state’s seriousness, continuity and that it has a long term strategic vision.
Turkey’s most trustworthy friends in the US Congress are in the Senate.
However, Turkish lobbies attempt to establish close contacts with all weighty senators on the off chance.
They get in touch with senators and parliamentarians via Turkey’s Ambassador to Washington Nabi Sensoy, reported the officials. However, Turkish officials and lobbies hide these names from the public opinion to prevent the pressure of Armenian groups on the Members of the Congress.
Note: Above are excerpts from the article. The full article appears here. Clarifications and comments by me are contained in {}. Deletions are marked by [...]. The bold emphasis is mine.
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